May Day Approaching Again: The World Remembers US Labor Heroes, America Forgets

Workers Memorial Day ImageHow about if this year we begin to get May Day right.

Some May Day history:

In October 1884, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (FOTLU) placed a stake on the landscape of American labor’s struggle for workers’ rights and workplace justice.  By the 1880s, the most unifying demand around which all the fractious groups and unions could organize their many-fronted fight was the shared aspiration to win an eight-hour workday.

And so at the October convention in 1884, FOTLU proclaimed that beginning on May 1, 1886, the eight-hour work day would become the law of the land.  In 1885, the powerful Knights of Labor declared its solidarity with the fight for the eight-hour workday and that the demand would be supported by strikes, demonstrations, and militant direct action.  Many anarchists and radicals thought demand for the eight-hour day was too reformist, claiming that nothing less than the complete overthrow of industrial capitalism should be the aim of the struggle against the combined forces of oligarchic corporations and government.  But as conflict heated up with the approach of labor’s announced May 1 deadline, solidarity strengthened and the radicals threw in with the broader movement for the eight-hour day.

In the weeks preceding the planned mass strike on the movement’s deadline date, the Chicago radical anarchist paper The Alarm published incendiary articles supporting the movement.  Along with articles on how to make homemade dynamite, The Alarm published an editorial that included this:

Workingmen to Arms! War to the Palace, Peace to the Cottage, and Death to LUXURIOUS IDLENESS. The wage system is the only cause of the World’s misery. It is supported by the rich classes, and to destroy it, they must be either made to work or DIE. One pound of DYNAMITE is better than a bushel of BALLOTS! MAKE YOUR DEMAND FOR EIGHT HOURS with weapons in your hands to meet the capitalistic bloodhounds, police, and militia in proper manner.

The table was thus set for the tragic and glorious Haymarket Uprising of 1886.[1]

A General Exhortation and Harangue 

As in the latter 19th century, we live right now in a time when the never-sleeping impulses to oligarchic order, inherent and always present in the assumptions of capitalism and property-liberty ideology, are (re)consolidating the forces of plutocratic power and unilaterally (re)imposing the terms and conditions of our labor, lives, and liberties as well as the very boundary parameters of our human social agency.

Meanwhile, we all forget what Labor Day commemorates–it’s date deliberately moved by law from the anniversary of the Haymarket Uprising and conveniently placed on an obscure long-weekend-excuse Monday at summer’s end–strategically banished from the date upon which the entire rest of the Western world honors workers.  May Day is the workers’ holiday marking the anniversary of America’s pivotal moment in labor history, the event that set the world afire: Haymarket. The Battle of West Randolph Street, Chicago. May 1, 1886.

Our children would hardly know it, but we are the descendants of homely heroes and workaday champions, of anarchists and labor activists who fought for justice, dignity, and a bit of human grace for the working class.

We are the generations Joe Hill and Mother Mary Jones and labor hero, Frederick Douglass (that’s right, go look up the Colored National Labor Union, established in 1869), [2] and, as important–though their names are lost to history, the thousand of strikers, organizers, random drifting day laborers, misfit malcontents, the shabby martyrs and quotidian saints of Hay Market, Lawrence, Ludlow, Homestead, Lynn, Troy, Martinsburg, Seattle, Cripple Creek.

And more: Every American alive is the inheritor of the vast estate left by tens and hundreds of thousands whose names were barely ever known at all who were maimed, starved, scarred and killed on their feet, working their tools and dies and looms and pickaxes and crop rows and furnaces and  blades and plowshares and on and on, creating stunning wealth, building the foundation for dizzying heights of academic enterprise and expressive arts, the breathtaking advance of science and medicine, as well as the new technologies of mastery and bureaucratic control that would insure that they, the workers—the wealth creators, would never be allowed to dis-alienate from the astonishing and abundant products of their own labor nor share but a fractional nanoportion of the vastness of the wealth their toil alone created.

But, as long and bitter as their days were, they spent their meager hours before succumbing to sleep organizing resistance to the bestial life fashioned for them and their children by the self-anointed proprietors of the Earth’s bounty and the products of other people’s labor—the social squatters and parasites who would now have themselves called “job creators.”  Generations of American workers creating the prosperity of nations by day and struggling for worldwide justice by night.

This is American History as proud and exceptional as it gets.  This is the history of the struggle for workplace dignity and the rights of the proletariat as American as guns and riveted blue jeans.  It is no exaggeration to say that America is the world’s nursery of Socialist dreams; only the successful suppression of this history of America’s powerful place in labor history makes such a perspective seem fanciful.[3]

This is the real exceptionalism which all of America’s various power classes have agreed to deny—the substantive exeptionalism that has defined us since winning our separate and equal station among the nations:  That beacon-light which America once shined brightest and most hopeful for all places on earth embroiled in the historic worldwide struggle for the rights of workers; Our national heritage as the vanguard of workers battling to secure the humanity, dignity, and agency of those in every corner of the Earth whose toils build what prosperity this world knows, the anonymous class who labor while their self-appointed masters wring “their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces.” [4]

Our ragtag American founding heroes of International Labor heroically built a movement and constructed a history that we, carelessly and cravenly, have allowed to become a largely suppressed and thoroughly sanitized set of shadows from the footlights of the minstrel show version of our American past , a shadow play we amnesiacally submit to as we are ceaselessly fed the bovine ruminations of history- scrubbers: the David McCullochs and Steven Ambroses, chipper and saccharine Ken Burns, wooly and well-meaning Arthur Schlessinger.  All the commercialized purveyors of airbrushed portraiture honoring tyrants and thieves (…the founding fathers tireless efforts to…); singing smorzando encomiums to enemies of the people.

This Vapid Mythtorian Chorus sings us a well-rehearsed, palliative yet bracing, pianoforte operatic, bourgeois misnarration of “our” courageous will to march on, against the slings and arrows of naysayers and skeptics, as a good and classless nonsociety of individual strivers headed toward our God-guaranteed place in the shining city on the hill of human history under the enlightened leadership of the crowned heads of the Houses of Astor, Mellon, Rockefeller, the Council of Titans at Bretton Woods, WTO, ISDS,  Koch and Coke, not mention Siemans Shell Walmart & Sinopec (LLC).

And then, at intermission, so to speak, we are treated to polite and tepid tributes to labor heroes, brief anodyne accounts of martyrs to justice (as well, by the way, see obscure footnote, see hyphenated-history side panel).

A Peroration

Perhaps this May Day we will recall that other May Day, Haymarket, 1886. The origin of that worldshaping collective action was the simple struggle for the eight hour workday.  The strikers’ homely aim was to carve out some small daily space for their humanity—as parents, as spouses, as lovers, as drunkards and dreamers, as singers and sinners, as religious believers, barbershop philosophers, atheiststic  parkbench belly scratchers, flowerbox botanists. Just a one-third slice of day between each exhausted night’s eight hours sleep and each workday’s eight hours labor to use as such persons will. As men and women; as more than merely resources for production; more than a stubborn collective cost against revenue, a drag on capitalist profit.

As worker-protesters gathered on the soon to be hallowed ground of West Randolph Street, the labor poet-activists of the eight-hour workday movement handed out the simple words to the protest anthem:

We want to feel the sunshine

We want to smell the flowers;

We’re sure God has willed it.

And we mean to have eight hours.

We’re summoning our forces from

shipyard, shop, and mill;


Eight hours for work, eight hours for rest

Eight hours for what we will.


A Call to Action: Do Something!

This year take May 1st off.  Use the day to read some labor history.  Post messages of solidarity and support on the dozens of Facebook pages devoted to workers’ groups.  Write your elected representatives demanding action on raising the minimum wage.  Send hate messages to National Right to Work.  Come up with ideas on how to stimulate revival of the American union organization, share your ideas on social media.


[1] For anyone unfamiliar with the story of the Haymarket Uprising a couple of places to get started are linked HERE and  HERE.


[2] Colored National Labor Union, established in 1869.


[3] A quarter century before a dyspeptic German expat vagrant would, from whatever open seat he could find in the British Museum’s Reading Room, scratch out his first article for America’s most widely circulated journal, Horace Greeley’s  New York Tribune (August 21, 1851) and nearly half a century before that same penniless savant of social theory, Karl Marx, would be tossed out of his own Workingmen’s Association by  a faction of anarchists (1872), factory workers in Philadelphia had already established the world’s first Workingmen’s Party (1827). America: The World’s Nursery of Socialist Dreams.

[4] Go get a timeline of Labor History and set it alongside a timeline of the lead up to, and aftermath of, the Civil War and see if you can figure out how this kind of language might have occurred in the mind of the Illinoisan President’s s he penned his Second Inaugural Address. And perhaps why the business base of “moderates” in the Republican Party might rushed to shutdown the Radical Republican’s Reconstruction plans for land reform and the seizing of plantation property to turn them over to collectives of the freedmen.



Li’l Soldiergirl Barbie® Show Us How to Treat Old Glory with Respect


Protest inspector and flag protector, Michelle Manhart. michelle manhart-flag respect

I have no problem with former Air Force Sergeant, Michelle Manhart being a former sex worker.

I have to laugh though when L’il Soldier Barbie gets herself all in a snit about the flag touching the ground at a protest after doing a Playboy spread holding a flag that is DRAGGING on the fucking studio floor.

But I guess since it’s in the cause of capitalist exploitation, dragging the “sacred” flag around is okay.

Senile Insurance Broker on Public Adventure Accidentally Murders Human: Many Notice, Move On

Oklahoma idiot. (Shown wearing official uniform of Armed Oklahoma Idiot Squad)

Oklahoma idiot. (Shown wearing official uniform of Armed Oklahoma Idiot Squad)

Seriously? Are we not beyond patience with this shit yet?

Thirty years after the first episode of Police Brutality Theater (the sickening “Cops” TV show) and the reckless, racist, ravening model of policing it, and its dozens of imitators since, celebrate, can we finally just bring this to a close? Thirteen year after the trauma of 9/11 forced us all to agree to stop thinking critically about police and policing and imposed a regime of unquestioned obedience to uniformed authority even when authority demonstrates stupidity,racist dick-waving hyper aggression, and drooling thuggery, can we end the era of silence and stop behaving like we are all suffering from mass Stockholm Syndrome as our police become exponentially ever more deranged?

We should be done with constant opportunities to ask questions about police use of deadly force. About the indiscriminate or discriminate use of violence by idiot pigs out of control. It’s not about body cams. It’s not about proper training. It’s about disarming the police. It’s about putting the damn dog back on its fucking leash. I want police who know that if they pull their weapon for any reason in the course of duty a highly intrusive investigation will ensue. Probes will be inserted in asses.

I want cops who are afraid to argue with citizens and who apologize for their own existence. I want oversight policies that will hinder hiring and make it hard to recruit anyone who has other options.

I want the job to be so unreasonably onerous that only the most self-controlled and least adventurous personalities on earth can survive.I want it so guys doing security at the shopping mall laugh at the idea of going into a boring and ball-crushing job as a uniformed servant of the public.

We can have neither justice nor security, nor can even nominal conditions of democracy be sustained until we thoroughly unpolice our ideas about how security and justice is understood and achieved in democratic community.

Disarm or disband the police.

Consider this a deliberate provocation.

Announcing the End of the Political Correctness Era

I’d like to propose retirement of the stale-dated term “politically correct“, and suggest that we replace it with “not socially diseased”.

Please consider joining the not socially diseasedness movement (which will proudly and promptly proceed to run amok, as such movements are wont to do).

Open Letter to ‘Raw Story’ Blogger, Amanda Marcotte & Other Faux Progressives

Re: “Don’t harass the bigots”. Stop shilling for the status quo. And please refrain from lecturing real progressives about effective action.

(Link to gag-making blog post in question HERE)

The most egregious lickspittle from her blog is this:

But these are the lines you should not cross:…Harassment. The line between harassment and speaking out may seem difficult to define, but a general rule of thumb is that if you’re trying to deluge someone or trying to force them to listen to you, you have crossed the line. Phone calling, then, is always harassment, because, as noted, you can’t know who is calling unless you engage them. It’s coercive. You have a right to speak out, but they have a right to ignore you if they want. Don’t try to get around that.

Maybe if Amanda Marcotte and other “sensible”, “adult” liberals would bother to apply (or maybe learn?) some historical perspective, they could be taken seriously when they speak about people who take direct action. Or maybe they would just have a better sense of when to just be quiet.

Here is a sampling of some of the virtuous liberal nonsense that people who agreed with Amanda’s smarty-pants article had to say:

“Michael” (1): I can barely think of any time harassment is fair, even if the accusation of the group is true, because likely the people who see the attacks, or hear the phone calls, didn’t even institute the policy. Often they just joined, or are paid employees.

Really, Michael? Can’t think of any times when people who didn’t make the policy and are just doing what they’re told might be legitimate targets of resistence? Why don’t you think on that for a moment. We’ll get back to you.

“Kevin”: It’s so frustrating when this crap happens. A few hotheads can completely erode the distinction between liberals and conservatives, at least as far as headlines and public perception go. In addition to which, it’s wrong to begin with. We have got to make a stronger stand against people on our side adopting the hatefulness and violence of the other side, however few they may be.

No, Kevin. The distinction between liberals and conservatives on the issue of Memories Pizza’s ant-gay policy is that liberals (progressives, actually—no one cares what liberals do or think) oppose the discrimination against LGBT persons while conservatives pretend that not serving them because they are LGBT persons is not discrimination. It’s so frustrating when liberals can see every side of every struggle over justice, but can’t work up enough concern to fight for the right one—and win.

Amanda Marcotte [the article’s author]: Harassment isn’t a legitimate technique. That’s why it’s associated far more often with people who have illegitimate causes, such as anti-choicers or Gamergaters. People who are right tend to be a little more confident about direct persuasion.

Gosh Amanda, did they teach about the civil rights movement in your school?

Most of what was done to the owners of Memories Pizza and Hate Shop was neither more nor less than an updated version of the 1961 lunch counter sit-in campaign in Greensboro.
You may not recall that the campaign lasted for six months and involved as many as 300 protesters at a time sitting it at and around the small lunch counter, in addition to the clutter and disruption caused by reporters and TV crews that the sit-in organizers deliberately called to come and report on the disruption.

DISRUPTION is a key tool of direct action. This is a oncept that seems too upsetting for some liberals on some struggles.  I even know a few self-certain liberals in the Washington, DC area who claimed that the local protests in solidarity with Ferguson were “counter-productive” because they would cause rush hour traffi jams that would alienate “the very political class in Washington they need on their side.”  True story.  I’m hoping I don’t need to explain the cravenness and self-serving stupidity on offer, here (?)

Disrupting business as usual is designed to upset and raise doubt and uncertainty (insecurity!) about status quo power and its expected ability to maintain “order”. You can bet that the customers and wait staff at that Woolworth’s lunch counter saw the daily sit in—which drove away paying customers, cost the servers tips, and cost the lunch counter concessionaire business revenues—as harassment.  Because it was.

And it is also true that the people most directly impacted, the counter servers, were not members of the Greensboro power structure responsible for the policy.

But, the verdict of history is that the harassment and disruption was justified in order to force change. Memories Pizza could have done what Woolworth’s did: PUBLICLY ANNOUNCE THEIR ACQUIESCENCE TO THE PROTESTERS DEMANDS FOR JUSTICE.

Pretty simple.  Just call back that reporter and tell her you want to issue a public statement reversing your hate policy.  No more “harassment”.

Oh.  I’m sorry, Amanda and polite liberals.  Is that too “coercive”?  Why?  Is there some reason why the strategies and tactics of direct action should be suspended in the fight for LGBT justice? How are strikes, boycotts, sit-ins, taking over the ROTC campus recruitment office not coercive?

I suggest taking a look at some labor history to see how collective bargaining rights were actually won. Nasty phone calls were on the genteel end of the spectrum.  Grow up liberals.

Or is it that nice liberals of today think more can be accomplished by being “better” than the forces they oppose?

Tip: You aren’t better.  Your cause is more just.  If you want to be better (or more virtuous, morally superior) than others, go join the Scouts.  Go seek your merit badge or gold star for good civics somewhere else.  If what matters to you most  is what you see when you look in the mirror, social justice struggles are not for you.  Because the cost of losing a struggle where actual human justice is on the line is too high for concerns about how your actions will make you look.

Get over yourself.  Literally.

Centrist-minded, Kennedy School, see-both-sides liberals need to hush up and go to a library to discuss their concerns over ends-means relationships while real progressive advocates get the job done for social justice by direct action.

Act or be silent.

(1) Names have been disguised to protect the feeble.

Just Killing Time

English: Panoramic mosaic of the execution cha...

Panoramic mosaic of the execution chamber at Utah State Prison in Draper, Utah, USA. The platform at the left is used for lethal injection. The seat at the right and the two narrow gun ports on the far wall of the room are used for execution by firing squad. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Shouldn’t the current execution crisis and Utah’s decision to return to the firing squad give rise to some sort of attempt at a final reckoning of our nation’s continued commitment to capital punishment?

I mean, I know that all the arguments and debaters’ points have long since worn deep grooves in the flooring of public discourse from our endless circling of the all-too-familiar core moral and practical considerations; round and round we’ve gone. Like partner’s trapped in a miserable marriage’s inescapable theme, we loath the sound of even our own voices bleating the litany of claims, comparative cases, metaphors, aporias, and counterfactual conditionals, but cannot get beyond it—to the point of exhaustion.

So maybe this is why no one seems inclined to re-raise the fundamental question: Why are we still doing this?

Having long since reduced possible rationales for state death sentencing to just the inevitable two, deterrence and retributive justice, can anyone tell me why—no matter which rationale we stake state murder’s legitimacy upon—why the fuck we’ve gotten ourselves so stupidly twisted about the method of the deed?

Either argument would seem to justify utter indifference to the suffering of the condemned.

And yet, from the gallows pole to the firing squad to the electric chair to the gas chamber to lethal injection, we have continuously reinvented the technology of state murder in search of ever more “humane” methods for executing the condemned. And with each iteration of this bizarre search for tidy, bureaucratically sanitized executions, we discover that the consequences of small lapses beget ever more gruesome results: heads removed by the gallows noose, men slowly bleeding to agonized death from wounds inflicted by the poor marksmanship of firing squads, limbs and heads set afire by the questionable, monster-movie machinery of the electric chair, men moaning and deliberately bashing their own heads against any available hard surfaces in their efforts to hasten the death that gas would not bring fast enough, and finally, the decades-long string of torturous lethal injections—only the two most recent of which have received significant attention by the national media.

The real question, however, is not when and whether we will ever find a humane means of execution; it is really, Why do we try?

If the rationale is retributive justice, since capital murder usually involves little sympathy for the victim by the perpetrator, retribution would seem to warrant similar lack of sympathy for executing the heartless killer.

Want retribution? Stuff a sock in the condemned’s throat and let that fucker suffocate. Justice done.

If the rationale is deterrence, then suffering of the condemned would seem a salutary, if not essential, feature of the sentence.

Want deterrence? Stuff a sock in the condemned’s throat and let that fucker suffocate—on live television! Wrong-doers warned.

What’s the matter? Too morbid? Too cruel? Too uncivilized? For godsake, we already know that execution protocols have been tailored to ease the suffering, not of the condemned, but of the witnesses and the public on whose behalf the witnesses serve. Indeed, the firing squad protocols are designed to ease the suffering of the executioners; one of the rifles used by the squad is loaded with blanks in order to allow each squad member the opportunity to salve the conscience with the possibility that it was the others who fired the killing rounds. Lovely.

These executions are done in our name. It does not matter that you are a supporter of capital punishment and I am not. Nor are our children blameless; It is for their ultimate benefit—collective moral correction or public safety– that we carry out these sentences under due process of law. We are all in this together. We are all culpable or we are all to be congratulated for our high-minded efforts to achieve humane horror.

300px-french_revolution_guillotineIf we’re going to continue our committed exceptionalism on the matter of state murder–If the blood-thirsty among us are unwilling to finally stand the fuck down and we cannot muster the collective will to end it, then I say let’s do this fucking thing for real.

Fuck the disappearance of the proper chemical cocktail for “painless” execution. Bring back the Halifax gibbet. The Scottish Maiden. The Italian Mannaia. Sweet Louisette of Paris, the Hungry Widow of the First Republic, le Rasoir National, Madame Guillotine. Bring the family, pack a lunch, make a day of it!

Execution-of-Anne-Hendricks-in-Amsterdam-in-1571-burnedLet’s be proud of who we are and what we do. No more hiding executions behind literal and figurative walls of secrecy and shame. Bring back the 16th century’s deliberate and elaborate spectacularization of public executions.



Be an American! Encourage your public schools to use the occasion and opportunity of your next local Execution for a 6th grade civics class field trip!

Death penalty supporters cheer outside the Florida State Prison moments after the execution of Danny Rolling in Starke, Fla., in this Oct. 25, 2006 file photo.

Death penalty supporters cheer outside the Florida State Prison moments after the execution of Danny Rolling in Starke, Fla., in this Oct. 25, 2006 file photo.


Reelecting Israel’s Racist Apartheid Party

Benjamin Netanyahu has this week revealed himself as Israel’s own PW Botha, or maybe the Strom Thurmond of The Holy Land.[i]

By way of analogy, let’s consider how we talk about our own history and the Civil Rights Movement. We miseducate students (deliberately, I think) when we teach the history of the Civil Rights Movement as a struggle against racial segregation. Nor do things get any better if we frame the movement as merely a struggle against prejudice (my parents’ word) or “inequality” or even “institutionalized racism”.

Regardless even of the self-understanding of the movement or of the activists and participants in the struggle, the nature of the injustice, power, and social ill to be overcome was far more entrenched, virulent, and intentional than the web of public and private rules, customs, and institutions governing the racially separated use of public facilities and accommodations, or the customary norms that undergirded (and undergirds) the social distancing of blacks in white America.

The words we dare not use to name the social injustice at the core of that struggle are “apartheid” and, with even greater accuracy and precision, “White Supremacy.”

Apartheid (and segregation) are not simply rooted in some generalized tribalistic sentiments about us and them (so just slap your Aunt Crystal next time she simpers out the old “but isn’t it only natural for people to prefer the company of their own kind…”), they are sustained in law because they represent intentional racial separation for the specific purpose of establishing and perpetually enforcing superiority and securing all the benefits of social domination.

And suffer no soft-focus confusion about this: From the end of Reconstruction on, White Supremacy was inextricably intertwined with the fundamental assumptions of mainstream American political ideology—an ideology that transcended (transcends) boundaries of party, religion, or class.

Now, just like Botha and the National Party in South Africa, Strom Thurmond and the whole gang of Southern Democrats in Congress were not simply a race-baiting pack of segregationist troglodytes, they were the elected representatives of White Interests—White Power. As a group of Southern white politicians they were no more nor less evil than any gang of hooded, cross burning, rope carrying, white supremacist Klansmen—but they were twice as lethal because they held the power of law in their hands. And we should all always make sure our children know that these White Supremacist authorities were elected by majorities of nice, church-going folks who were desperately determined to keep the power they were raised to believe they were entitled to—power they believed they needed to hold in order to keep themselves safe from the “droves” of blacks surrounding them.

It is impossible to make any sense out of American history or our nation’s current character or conditions without unflinchingly confronting the role of the ideology of racial supremacy at the heart of institutions and norms like “segregation” and “racial prejudice” and “bigotry” that have warped, and continue to warp, our shared aspirations for democracy and justice.

And while racism may be an unavoidable artifact of human culture, Supremacist ideology is the specific and intentional construction of the dominant social group. (Slap you Aunt Crystal one more time, just for good measure.)

And so…

The calculated final-hour political tactics deployed—with great success, it should be noted—by Benjamin Netanyahu in this week’s election were precisely those of an apartheid party candidate.

First, by stating his rejection of any two-state solution, he has committed himself (and Israel) to continuous brutal conflict with upwards of 4 million Palestinians–conflict that can only end one of two ways: either (1) the complete subjugation of the Palestinians under the hostile rule of what could only accurately be described as a nothing but a regime relative to them, or (2) their Removal (as in America’s genocidal official policy regarding Indian tribes in the 19th century) from any lands Israelis wish to settle.

Second, by using anti-Arab racism to get out the vote, Netanyahu has made Israeli voters complicit in the normalization of not only racist “feelings” but racist intentions and actions as a part of Israeli society.

And thus we have watched Netanyahu’s transformation of Israel‘s government into an apartheid regime.

Here in the United States, progressives must continue insist that we stop whitewashing American history (and contemporary news accounts) when we teach the history (and current developments) of the struggle by black citizens to topple the American Apartheid regime and overthrow the illegitimate imposition of White Supremacist laws and institutions.

What must progressives here[ii] and Israel say regarding this recent, troubling development in Israel’s politics and government?

And, more importantly, to what standard shall we (who somehow enjoy the privilege of judging the actions of others’ struggle for liberation) hold Palestinians as they respond to the reelection of the heinous Likud leader and the policies his politics commit Israel?

[i] Let me warn all potential readers: Call me stupid, addled, asinine, ill-informed, or dangerously unbalanced if you wish, but if you decide it’s okay to call me an anti-Semite for what follows, I will come and punch you directly in your face. If that’s how you roll on matters involving politics and government in Israel, you should either read no further or just stifle yourself.

[ii] And given the recent cynical and disgusting collusion between Congressional Republicans and Netanyahu to bring Israeli politics literally right into our House, why shouldn’t we have something to say about Israel’s dangerous rightwing demagogues—they are, after all, affiliated gangsta homies with our own.

Victoria Secret Launches Campaign to Promote Dialogue on Gender Equity and Relations


Promotional ad for #PushTogether

Promotional ad for #PushTogether

News Flash

COLUMBUS, OH – Victoria Secret parent company, L Brands, announced its new #PushTogether campaign to stimulate dialogue regarding issues of gender equity and sexual relations.

According to today’s press release, “Today we are encouraging our bra-istas to openly discuss with our customers complex issues and concerns regarding sexual roles, violence against women, gender equity, patriarchal dominance structures embedded within late-capitalism, and other such topics as part of their daily work to provide the highest standard of customer care.”